Volume 114, Issue 5, March 2005
8
Article
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929
John H. Langbein,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 929 (2005)
The duty of loyalty requires a trustee to administer the trust solely in the interest of the beneficiaries. Any transaction in which the trustee has an actual or potential interest violates the sole interest rule, no matter how beneficial the transaction to the beneficiaries. This Article develops the view that a transaction should not give rise to liability merely because the trustee also benefits. Sometimes beneficiaries are better off when a transaction also benefits the trustee. Corporation law has wholly abandoned the sole interest rule, preferring a rule that permits a conflicted transaction that satisfies disclosure and fairness standards.
Important changes have been undermining the trust law sole interest rule. The grievous procedural inadequacies of the equity courts that gave rise to the rule have now been overcome. The rise of professional trusteeship has required that the sole interest rule be abridged to permit trustee compensation. As trusteeship has increasingly become a branch of the financial services industry, major exceptions to the sole interest rule have been recognized to facilitate trustee-provided financial services. The rationale for these exceptions is that they benefit trust beneficiaries by promoting integration of functions and economies of scale.
This Article contends that the exceptions are wiser than the rule they modify. The duty of loyalty should be reformulated to prefer the best interest rather than the sole interest of the beneficiary. A conflicted transaction should continue to be presumed to violate the duty of loyalty, but rebuttably, not conclusively. The trustee should be allowed the defense that the transaction was in the best interest of the beneficiaries.
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Review
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991
Carol M. Rose,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 991 (2005)
In Who Owns Native Culture? and Public Lands and Political Meaning, an anthropologist and a historian document an ever-increasing deployment of property categories in two quite different domains: native people's recent cultural claims in the first book and the longer story of the United States's public rangelands in the second. Both authors take a jaundiced view of this growth in propertization, arguing that in their respective subjects, property rhetoric paralyzes fluid and negotiated problem solving while undermining respectful relationships among parties. This Review suggests, however, that both authors may be underestimating the ability of property institutions to morph into new and useful forms--forms that can aid wide-ranging negotiations and enhance respect and understanding among the participating persons and groups.
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Notes
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1021
Jamal Greene,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 1021 (2005)
The Supreme Court has consistently decried the lack of standards for adjudicating partisan gerrymandering claims, most recently in last Term's Vieth v. Jubelirer. But it has ignored the potential for developing standards under the Elections Clause, which it held in Cook v. Gralike to bar attempts by state legislatures to influence federal election outcomes. This Note aims to reconcile these two cases. It mines the history of the Elections Clause to determine what limitations it imposes on state legislatures and, invoking congressional obligations under the Guarantee Clause, articulates a novel standard for review of partisan gerrymandering consistent with those limitations.
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1063
Lisa Marshall,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 1063 (2005)
Disregarding the dictates of Federal Rule of Evidence 404, plaintiffs in discrimination suits routinely prevail on the basis of propensity proofs. Yet neither the parties nor the courts are to blame for these rampant violations. It is, instead, the dearth of evidence available to many discrimination plaintiffs that compels defiance of the ban. Courts therefore face two options: apply the Rule in an incoherent and disruptive manner, or consistently enforce it and effectively preclude these suits. Legislators should recognize the harmful effects of this incompatibility in the law and undertake efforts to reform this notoriously problematic Rule.
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1099
Blake Rohrbacher,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 1099 (2005)
Contracts create property; contractual rights and obligations are property. In bankruptcy, however, this aspect of nonbankruptcy law is often not recognized. This Note argues that bankruptcy law and policy should recognize the property in contract. This Note examines instances of inconsistency within the Bankruptcy Code and in bankruptcy courts' holdings to demonstrate how the acceptance of property-contract parity would lead to greater efficiency in prebankruptcy contracting, a stronger policy foundation for bankruptcy law, greater protection for valid party expectations, and less inequity between interested parties in bankruptcy proceedings.
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1133
Kevin S. Schwartz,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 1133 (2005)
Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment grants Congress the "power to enforce, by appropriate legislation," the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses. Yet in the past seven years the Supreme Court has invalidated five different laws--including three landmark civil rights laws--as exceeding Congress's power to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment. This Note reveals changes in the Court's review of the Section 5 power by examining its ruling last Term in Tennessee v. Lane, in which it upheld for the first time Congress's effort to enforce the Due Process Clause. The Note contends that while Lane affirms the Court's claim to exclusive interpretive authority, the Court applied its tests for valid enforcement legislation in important new ways that vindicate a more expansive Section 5 power for Congress.
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Comments
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1177
Elizabeth Napier Dewar,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 1177 (2005)
The Constitution does not prohibit "everything that is intensely undesirable." In particular, Justice Scalia argues, the Eighth Amendment does not prohibit disproportionately long prison sentences. Yet Scalia seems to offer some consolation to those who worry about the "intensely undesirable" prospect of disproportionate punishments: He implies that the cost of incarceration acts as a check on the length of prison terms, a check loosely standing in for proportionality review. Thus, Scalia tenders an economic rationale for his contested interpretation of the Eighth Amendment. Unfortunately, his rationale is faulty.
Fourteen years after Harmelin v. Michigan, Scalia's allusion to the costs of incarceration seems prescient: Grappling with budget deficits, state legislators across the country have indeed attempted to save money by curtailing the growth of their prison populations. However, this wave of legislation does not support Scalia's further suggestion that the costs of imprisonment should allay concern about disproportionate sentences. This Comment examines one typical response to rising prison costs, Connecticut's Act Concerning Prison Overcrowding. The Act trimmed small amounts of time served for a large number of incarcerated people, without altering the statutory penalty for any particular crime. Such laws are common because they quickly reduce corrections costs without making legislators appear "soft on crime." But, written to control the aggregate time served in states' prisons, they neither purport to address nor in effect do significantly alter the proportionality of individual sentences. Thus, although Scalia correctly posited the existence of fiscal limits to incarceration, he erred in asserting that fiscal considerations might obviate the need for proportionality review.
This Comment does not attempt to resolve the debate among legal historians about the existence of a proportionality principle in the Cruel and Unusual Punishments Clause. But it does refute the hypothetical rationalization Scalia offers to support his interpretation of the Founders' intent over that of the dissenters. Part I sets forth the relevant portion of Scalia's argument in Harmelin. Part II discusses the Connecticut Act, a representative example of states' attempts to reduce prison costs. Part III debunks Scalia's reasoning in Harmelin and concludes that fiscal checks are not a substitute for proportionality review.
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1185
Matthew J. Spence,
Monday, 28 February 2005
114 Yale L.J. 1185 (2005)
On June 3, 2004, a jury in a San Francisco federal court convicted former Ukrainian Prime Minister Pavel Lazarenko of twenty-nine counts of money laundering, wire fraud, interstate transportation of stolen property (ITSP), and conspiracy. The jury found that Lazarenko stole tens of millions of dollars from the Ukrainian people, which he then concealed in U.S. banks. For only the second time in history, a foreign head of government had been successfully prosecuted in the United States.
Yet it was the first time that a former leader of a foreign country was convicted in a U.S. court in part for breaking his own country's laws. The U.S. offenses with which Lazarenko was charged criminalize transactions involving money obtained from an underlying illegal act. While these underlying criminal activities typically occur within the United States, Lazarenko stole property and committed extortion within Ukraine. Nevertheless, the district court instructed the jury that it could find him guilty of violating U.S. laws against money laundering, wire fraud, ITSP, and conspiracy if it found that his activities in Ukraine violated Ukrainian law.
In effect, the U.S. government helped Ukraine enforce its own laws where Ukrainian courts had failed. Although Lazarenko's corruption was well known in Ukraine, at the time his own country's courts and prosecutors lacked the independence to convict such a powerful political figure. The story is familiar across the developing world: Good laws on the books are not enforced, corruption and lawlessness deepen, and consequently public disillusionment with the promise of democratic reforms grows.
Although U.S. prosecutors claimed no such foreign policy designs, this Comment argues that Lazarenko suggests a potentially powerful new tool to promote the rule of law abroad: U.S. prosecutors indirectly punishing violations of foreign laws in U.S. courts by using such violations to prove elements of U.S. crimes. Helping countries in transition enforce their own laws and eliminate corruption at home until their own legal systems become stronger is a heretofore unrecognized collateral benefit of such prosecutions. In considering whether to prosecute foreign officials in the future, the U.S. government should take into account this goal of promoting democracy.
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